The rise of “WhatsApp University” has sparked a battle over India’s historical narrative, pitting academic scholarship against politically-driven interpretations
Currently, “WhatsApp University,” as it is popularly called, dominates the scene in shaping popular perceptions. The academic historians who burned the midnight oil to produce history based on a rational and scientific approach are being labeled in a derogatory manner, and their extensive body of work is being overshadowed by dominant political trends.
The concerning point is that the social perception currently being shaped through this medium has become a crucial tool in the hands of those with a retrogressive political agenda—specifically, Hindutva or Hindu Nationalism.
This issue recently came to light when historian William Dalrymple, whose books have gained popularity, noted in a discussion with journalists: “As a result, you’ve got the growth of ‘WhatsApp history’ and ‘WhatsApp University.’ It was the failure of Indian academics to reach out to general audiences.” (Indian Express-Adda, 11 November 2024)
According to him, this failure is the source of current misconceptions, such as the idea that Aryans were the original inhabitants of this land or that “we” possessed all scientific knowledge, including advancements like the Pushpak Viman (airplanes), plastic surgery, and genetic engineering.
It is also the origin of the prevailing “social common sense” that Islam and Christianity are “foreign” religions, that Muslim kings destroyed Hindu temples, and that they committed atrocities against Hindus, including spreading Islam by force. This distorted narrative even extends to views that Gandhi was anti-Hindu and that India’s independence was not achieved due to the national movement led by Gandhi. These misconceptions are currently dominant in the minds of many.
This narrative is now being emphasized through digital platforms, but it has long roots in a political tendency—Hindu Communalism—originally represented by the RSS and later supported by its affiliates.
During the freedom movement, the dominant narrative was inclusive and articulated by the national movement, which understood that India was a “Nation in the making.” This stood in contrast to the narrative of Hindu nationalists, who believed that Hindus have been a nation since ancient times, and to Muslim nationalists, who claimed that the Muslim nation began with Mohammad bin Qasim’s rule over Sindh in the eighth century.
The roots of communal historiography can be traced back to British colonial books like James Mill’s History of India, which divided Indian history into Hindu, Muslim, and British periods. Similarly, Elliot and Dawson’s multi-volume History of India as Told by Her Historians followed this divisive perspective, assuming that kings were representatives of their religions.
Hindu communal historiography began its spread through RSS shakha baudhiks (intellectual gatherings) and later through various channels such as Saraswati Shishu Mandirs, Ekal Vidyalayas, and unofficial mouthpieces like Organiser and Panchjanya.
When Lal Krishna Advani became the Information and Broadcasting Minister in the Janata Party government, this narrative started to infiltrate government institutions.
Today, RSS volunteers are attempting to reshape the entire education system, including the content of history and social science textbooks. A set of nine books by Dinanath Batra of the Shiksha Bachao Abhiyan Samiti, an RSS affiliate, has already been translated into Gujarati and introduced in 42,000 schools in Gujarat.
Moreover, with the takeover of media by BJP-aligned corporations (like Adani and Ambani), much of the mainstream media has fallen under BJP’s influence.
With BJP’s IT cell growing stronger, WhatsApp has become a primary medium for disseminating this narrative. A detailed analysis of this phenomenon can be found in Swati Chaturvedi’s book, I Am A Troll.
Academic historians have also written textbooks for schools and general readers. Among the most popular are Romila Thapar’s works on Ancient Indian History, Irfan Habib’s contributions to Medieval History, and Bipan Chandra’s India’s Struggle for Independence, which has gone through multiple reprints and editions.
Many of these academic works were part of the NCERT syllabus in the 1980s. However, with the BJP’s rise to power in 1998, the “saffronization of education” began and intensified after 2014 when the BJP gained a full majority. Now, there is talk of integrating pseudo-history and mythology into the history curriculum more comprehensively.
Popular perceptions are only partially shaped by academic historians. The political powers that dominate the country significantly influence society’s perceptions.
Noam Chomsky, a linguist and human rights activist, introduced the concept of “Manufacturing Consent,” which explains how governments shape popular understanding to justify actions—like military interventions in Vietnam or Iraq—under the guise of public interest. Despite the commendable efforts of historians, the truth often remains obscured, while state and dominant political interests mold popular common sense.
Also Read: Distorting History: The Controversial Revisions in Indian School Textbooks
While Dalrymple’s concerns about the irrational understanding promoted by WhatsApp are valid, the deeper issue lies in the rise of right-wing politics, which has skillfully spread its message for political gain. This constructed history is disconnected from rational or academic history.
In India, in particular, an assault has been launched against those who pursue the discipline of history. Arun Shourie, once an ally of the BJP, authored The Eminent Historians, a critique targeting globally recognized historians. Even today, many present a distorted version of history and continue to attack those who do not subscribe to Hindu nationalism.
In a way, WhatsApp is merely an addition to the existing propaganda mechanisms of Hindu nationalism. To make the works of rational, scientific historians more accessible, more political and social groups need to act as intermediaries between historians and the general public, fostering social perceptions based on inclusivity, scientific reasoning, and Indian nationalism.
Also Read: Academic Freedom in Decline: Minority Institutions Hit Hard
While academic historians should be appreciated for writing textbooks and popular works, the success of WhatsApp owes more to the rise of communal politics than to the shortcomings of academic historians.
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